Financing Universal Health Coverage: A Comparative Analysis of the Health Systems of the United Kingdom and India

A 2,333-word MPH comparative report on two health systems that could hardly be less alike. Three annotated extracts show how a shared framework makes an unequal comparison fair.

Reference
MPH-03
Subject area
Health Economics
Course level
Master of Public Health
Assessment type
Comparative report
Length
c. 2,333 words
Referencing
Harvard (author–date)
Sources cited
11
What this document is

A model answer written by a Global Projects Help mentor, formatted to the conventions of a UK Master of Public Health. It is not a student submission, it was never submitted for assessment anywhere, and no mark was awarded for it — so no grade is quoted on this page. Copyright rests with Global Projects Help.

What this assignment does

The report compares health financing in the United Kingdom and India — a tax-funded national system against a mixed public–private system with historically high out-of-pocket payment — and evaluates both against the same framework.

The methodological problem it has to solve is that the two countries are at completely different income levels. Comparing them on outcomes alone would be meaningless, so the report compares them on the functions of financing instead.

How it is built

Conceptual framework first — WHO health system building blocks and core health economics — then a comparison across the financing functions, then economic evaluation in priority setting, then lessons.

The WHO three dimensions of coverage (who is covered, which services, what proportion of costs) give the comparison its axes, which is what keeps it analytical rather than descriptive.

Annotated extracts

Three passages, each with a note on why it earns marks and what a weaker answer does in the same place — enough to teach the move, not enough to stand in for the assignment.

Extract 1 of 3 Section 3 — the three dimensions of coverage

The comparison illustrates the three dimensions of coverage described by WHO (2010): who is covered, which services are covered, and what proportion of costs is covered. The UK performs well on all three dimensions, although the quality and timeliness of services have come under pressure. India has expanded the population covered, particularly through PM-JAY, but the range of services covered remains narrow and the proportion of costs met by pooled funds remains comparatively low.

Why this marks well

The framework is applied rather than described, and it earns its place immediately: it shows that India's progress is real but concentrated on one axis. Population coverage has expanded; service range and cost coverage have not.

That is a finding a single summary statistic would hide. Decomposing “coverage” into three dimensions is what makes the comparison informative, and it is why the framework section was worth writing.

The UK is also qualified rather than praised — performs well on all three, but quality and timeliness are under pressure. Comparative reports that let the high-income system win cleanly are usually not looking hard enough.

What a weaker answer does here

A weaker answer states that the UK has universal coverage and India does not. It is roughly true, it collapses three distinct dimensions into one, and it makes PM-JAY invisible.

Extract 2 of 3 Section 1 — selecting the comparators

India represents a large, lower-middle-income country with a mixed public-private system and a historically high reliance on out-of-pocket payments.

Why this marks well

The case selection is justified on structural grounds — income level, system type, financing mix — rather than asserted. In comparative work the choice of comparators is a methodological decision, and markers look for it being defended.

Naming out-of-pocket reliance up front also sets the analytical target. Out-of-pocket payment is the mechanism by which illness causes poverty, so the report has identified the thing that matters before describing anything.

“Historically” is doing real work: it signals the position is changing, which is what makes PM-JAY worth analysing later rather than merely mentioning.

What a weaker answer does here

A weaker answer says it will compare a developed and a developing country. The comparison is then between a category and a category, and nothing about either system explains why these two were chosen.

Extract 3 of 3 Section 2.1 — health system building blocks

The World Health Organization defines a health system as all organisations, people and actions whose primary intent is to promote, restore or maintain health.

Why this marks well

The definition is quoted because the report is about to depend on it. “All organisations, people and actions” is what licenses treating India's large private sector as part of the health system rather than as a deviation from it.

That matters for the fairness of the comparison. Analyse India as a failed NHS and the conclusion is predetermined; analyse it as a mixed system against the same functional criteria and the findings are genuine.

Taking a definition from the institution whose framework you are using, and then actually abiding by it, is a small discipline that keeps comparative work honest.

What a weaker answer does here

A weaker answer opens with a definition of health systems and never uses it again. The definition is decoration, and the comparison proceeds on unstated assumptions about what a health system ought to look like.

What makes this a strong answer

It solves the fairness problem that wrecks most comparative health reports, by comparing functions and dimensions rather than outcomes.

The decomposition of coverage into three axes produces a finding — India's progress is real but one-dimensional — that no aggregate measure would show.

Case selection is defended on structural grounds, and the definitional framework is used consistently rather than quoted and abandoned.

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    Model answer written by a Global Projects Help mentor · © Global Projects Help
    Published 8 October 2026 · Questions? mia@globalprojectshelp.com